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Classical-liberal or libertarian feminism holds that privatebusinesses, educational institutions, and associations are free to giveor withhold preferential treatment to women. But the state may nottreat women preferentially because the state must treat citizens thesame regardless of sex. Nor may the state require that privatebusinesses, educational institutions, or associations treat womenpreferentially. This is because, on the equity feminist view, failureto treat women preferentially is not a violation of anyone's rightagainst coercive interference. Examples of preferential treatment underthe law, which classical-liberal or libertarian feminists oppose,include affirmative action in employment and education (Lehrman 1997,25), comparable worth (Paul 1989), and advantages for women in thelegal treatment of custody and domestic violence (Simon 2002).

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On this view, the women's movement should work to identify andpromote autonomy-enabling conditions. Identifying these conditionsrequires careful attention to the particular ways in which autonomydeficits are produced in women's lives. On the liberal feminist view,the state has an important role to play in promoting these conditions(see sections 1.1.4, 1.2.1, and 1.2.2). But there is much that cannotbe done by the state (Cudd 2006, 223). For example, while the statecan refrain from blocking such endeavors, women themselves mustdevelop new “alternative emancipatory imagery” (Meyers2002, 168), and fashion new ways of being a woman and new kinds ofrelationships through experiments in living (Cudd 2006, 234; Cornell1998).

 

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Turning to (i), liberalism has a long history of seeking toaccommodate religious groups that have deep objections to certainpublic policies, such as the Quakers, Mennonites or Sikhs. The mostdifficult issues in this regard arise in relation to children andeducation (see Galston, 2003; Fowler, 2010; Andersson, 2011) Mill, forexample, writes:

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We can distinguish between comprehensive liberal feminisms andpolitical liberal feminisms (or feminist political liberalisms). Thedistinction between political and comprehensive doctrines in politicaltheory is due to Rawls (1993) but has been taken up by some liberalfeminists in recent years. (For explicit discussion of the distinctionin liberal feminism, see for example Abbey 2007; 2011, 72–82, 226–247;Baehr 2008; 2013; Chambers 2008, 159–201; Enslin 2003; Hartley andWatson 2010; Lloyd 1998; Neufeld 2009; Neufeld and Schoelandt 2013;Nussbaum 1999b, 108; 2000b, 76 fn38; Okin 1994; 1999, 129–130; andWatson 2007).


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Others take on the vicious circle of women's exclusion byrecommending legal mechanisms for the inclusion of women in electoralpolitics (see Rhode 1994, 1205–1208; Peters 2006; Phillips 1991). Somesuggest that legal mechanisms for including those who have beensystematically excluded may be justified as remedies for the unjustdisproportionate political power enjoyed by others (Phillips 2004,6–10). Suggested mechanisms include targets or quotas for women (andother underrepresented groups) on party slates, or proportionalrepresentation in elected bodies. Karen Green, for example, argues for“guaranteed equal representation of both sexes inparliament” (Green 2006). There is diversity of opinion, however,among liberal feminists about the justice and efficacy of suchmechanisms (Peters 2006; see also Rhode 1994, 1205).

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The perfectionist, the pluralist and the subjectivist concur on thecrucial point: the nature of value is such that reasonable peoplepursue different ways of living. To the perfectionist, this is becauseeach person has unique capacities, the development of which confersvalue on her life; to the pluralist, it is because values are many andconflicting, and no one life can include them all, or make theinterpersonally correct choice among them; and to the subjectivist, itis because our ideas about what is valuable stem from our desires ortastes, and these differ from one individual to another. All threeviews, then, defend the basic liberal idea that people rationallyfollow different ways of living. But in themselves, such notions ofthe good are not full-fledged liberal ethics, for an additionalargument is required linking liberal value with norms of equalliberty, and to the idea that other people command a certain respectand a certain deference simply by virtue of having values of theirown. To be sure, Berlin seems to believe this is a very quickargument: the inherent plurality of ends points tothe political preeminence of liberty (see, for example, Gray:2006). Guaranteeing each a measure of negative liberty is, Berlinargues, the most humane ideal, as it recognizes that ‘humangoals are many’, and no one can make a choice that is right forall people (1969: 171). It is here that subjectivists and pluralistsalike sometimes rely on versions of moral contractualism. Those whoinsist that liberalism is ultimately nihilistic can be interpreted asarguing that this transition cannot be made successfully: liberals, ontheir view, are stuck with a subjectivistic or pluralistic theory ofvalue, and no account of the right emerges from it.

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Liberal feminism is part of, and thus finds its roots in, the largertradition of liberal political philosophy; thus we see much liberalfeminist work inspired by Immanuel Kant, John Stuart Mill, and JohnRawls (and other figures in this tradition). But liberal feminismshares with feminist political philosophy generally a concern withunderstanding the “gender system” (Okin 1989, 89), that is,the patriarchal nature of inherited traditions and institutions, sothat it might recommend a remedy. To get a good picture of that system,liberal feminists draw broadly from the rich tradition of feministtheorizing. For example, some liberal feminists draw on radicalfeminist insights into the nature of violence against women (Nussbaum1999a) and into the nature of gender identity (Chambers 2008m 43–80);some draw on psychoanalytic feminist theory (Meyers 2002; Cornell2003); some on socialist feminist work on women's exploitation inthe home (Anderson 2004; Gheaus 2008); and some on feminist theories ofcare (Alstott 2004; Bhandary 2010).